The final TV leaders’ debate turned out to be a two-party fight and, as Political Editor Chris Lloyd decides, the winner on points was clearly David Cameron.

THE third debate was an old fashioned slugfest. It was a twoparty fight, with David Cameron and Gordon Brown trading blow for blow, while Nick Clegg, the young whippersnapper, danced around the outside, desperate to get in on the older boys’ bundle.

The Tory triumphed. Probably by quite a big margin.

Mr Brown landed some absolute haymakers, returning again and again to bludgeon home his fears about a double-dip recession, the Conservatives’ inheritance tax cuts and their scrapping of child tax credits.

But, time after time, he was floored by a simple, obvious blow from Mr Cameron: “Labour has had 13 years to deal with this, and they haven’t.”

In the end, even Mr Brown had to admit he was defeated. In his final statement, he said: “I know that if things stay as they are, perhaps in eight days’ time David Cameron, perhaps supported by Nick Clegg, would be in office.”

Then he went negative. Not just slightly negative, but positively completely negative. “I don’t like having to do this, but I’ve got to tell you that things are too important to be left to risky policies under these two people,” he said.

He scarily listed how Tory cuts would fall on schools, hospitals, children, police.

It wasn’t a gaffe. It was a deliberate calculation.

Perhaps it will scare some people who were considering voting for change. Perhaps others will have the words of Bill Clinton ringing in the backs of their mind: “If one candidate is trying to scare you, and the other is trying to make you think; if one is appealing to your fears, and the other is appealing to your hopes – it seems to me you ought to vote for the person who wants you think and hope.”

What of the boy Clegg? This was his worst performance of the three. He was squeezed out of the economy debate. At times he flannelled; at times he looked flummoxed.

But he did manage to rise above the other two. He told them to stop their fighting. He urged them to come together on a Commission for Financial Stability to sort out the economy.

For those who prefer consensus to the sight of blood, this probably sounded attractive.

But the real scrap for power was going on beneath him, with Mr Cameron coming close to delivering a knock-out blow.

NICK CLEGG

Style:

A very vivid orange tie set off by a white shirt. A cute little kiss curl and even manicured eyebrows.

Substance:

“For once let’s get the politicians working together on this,” he said of the economy.

Won a vigorous shake of the head in agreement from his female questioner when he asked her: “Did you bail the banks for them to put people out of work?”

He took a pummelling on his immigration amnesty, but eventually fought back strongly: “You can pretend as much as you like that you can deport people that you don’t know where they are. This is dealing with the way the world is. Get real!”

Tactics:

Did manage to present himself as different from the old two, but that’s probably because they were tearing each other to pieces.

Closing statement:

Strong on fairness, and his pledge to create “decent, open politics you can trust again” stood out. Surprisingly ambiguous final idea: “This is your election, your country – choose the future you really want.”

Conclusion:

He was on the back foot from the beginning as Mr Cameron pummelled him over his unpopular stance on Europe. He flannelled almost helplessly on housing.

Even though he looked like the third party in a two-way argument, he did enough not to get overlooked. Because of his performances, the Lib Dems are the big winners of the TV debates because he has established their fresh-faced credibility.

GORDON BROWN

Style:

Purple spotty tie on a blue-grey shirt – not a great choice, but far better than David Dimbleby’s explosion of pink spiders. Mr Brown looked so rough it was possible to feel sorry for him. As unshaven as Richard Nixon in 1960. Vast bags under his eyes, and he stumbled over his early words. He looked like he hadn’t slept since going ten rounds with a recalcitrant granny.

Substance:

Battered home his fears that the Tory cuts would repeat the mistakes of the Thirties, Eighties and Nineties – he thrashed his way into this four times in the opening 11 minutes. Repeatedly passionate about child tax credits: “I will never form an alliance with a Conservative government that will cut them.” Powerfully stated that the Tories’ inheritance tax was “unfair and immoral”.

Three times jumped to the defence of the regional development agencies, and regularly evoked the “same old Tories” line.

Tactics:

He had decided in advance that there were a handful of key messages that he wanted to bludgeon home.

Closing statement:

Scarily negative.

Conclusion:

Brave to take on bigotgate – “there’s a lot to this job and, as you see, yesterday I didn’t get all of it right”. Looked passionate, committed and ultimately defeated – unless a combination of scare and sympathy can miraculously save him.

DAVID CAMERON

Style:

Blue tie. White shirt. Flicked back hair. Tough talking: “You are damn right I do…the government has got to roll up its sleeves and not defend its hopeless record.”

Substance:

Explicit. “I will do everything I can to protect frontline services.” Bankers’ bonuses were “appalling”. Mr Brown’s answers were “desperate stuff from someone in a desperate state”.

Mr Cameron also found a philosophy. Mr Brown talked about the Government coming to the economy’s aid. Mr Cameron said the Government was part of the economy’s problem and promised to get government out of the way so small businesses could save the day.

He also found a moment of lyricism when he said his was a party which “understands the beating heart of entrepreneurs”.

Tactics:

Prepared to get very down and dirty, but also to sprinkle a little hope over the top in these grey days.

Closing statement:

“I believe the test of a good and strong society is how you look after the most vulnerable, the most frail and the poorest.”

Conclusion:

If he thinks saving £1 in every £100 is really going to fill the £52.4bn black hole in his manifesto, then we are in trouble – but he rode the punches, he delivered the blows, he offered some positives and he may even have done enough to move from hung parliament territory into a slim overall majority.